JD Vance Doesn't Understand the Constitution

JD Vance's speech at Claremont articulates a 'nationality of inheritance' view of American identity, asserting that America is a 'particular people from a particular place with a particular way of life.' He rejects the idea of America being founded on a creed like the Declaration of Independence, implicitly suggesting that non-white, non-Christian groups must subordinate themselves to this original identity and show 'gratitude' for being allowed to exist within it.

Vance stated, 'We are not a nation founded on a creed... we are a particular people from a particular place with a particular way of life.' He also emphasized the need for immigrants to show gratitude, posing the question 'gratitude to whom?'

Franklin's closing argument at the Constitutional Convention, chosen as the book's opening speech, did not detail the Constitution itself but rather championed the virtue of compromise. He argued that perfect agreement is impossible when diverse interests gather, and compromise is essential for union, even if it means imperfection. This compromise, while enabling the nation's birth, also embedded fundamental conflicts like slavery, setting the stage for future debates over identity.

Franklin's speech focused entirely on 'the virtue of compromise itself,' stating that from an assembly of diverse wisdom and selfish interests, 'you can't have some kind of perfect agreement. We have to compromise if we want a union.'

Alexander Stephens, Vice President of the Confederacy, delivered a speech in 1861 that explicitly defended white supremacy as the 'cornerstone of the Confederacy.' Unlike other slavery defenders who used coded language like 'states' rights,' Stephens proclaimed the 'superiority of whites over blacks' as a 'physical, philosophical, and moral truth.' He presented this as a 'progressive enlightenment discovery' to rally poor white people to fight for slave power, framing it as ennobling and beneficial for all.

Stephens asserted the 'superiority of whites over blacks is a physical, philosophical and moral truth.' He compared this 'discovery' to enlightenment advancements and claimed it would 'spread around the world.'

Historical activists like Frederick Douglas and Martin Luther King Jr. did not reject American rhetoric or founding documents despite the nation's failures. Instead, they claimed this rhetoric as their own, using it to highlight the gap between America's ideals and its reality. This strategy, exemplified by King's 'promissory note' analogy from the Declaration of Independence, aimed to persuade a broader population by appealing to shared principles rather than tearing down the entire system.

Douglas, unlike William Lloyd Garrison, saw the Constitution as rejecting slavery and wanted to 'make the Constitution my own.' King's 'I Have a Dream' speech used the Declaration of Independence as a 'promissory note' that America had defaulted on for its Black citizens.

Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address, delivered as the Civil War neared its end, was remarkable for its humility, empathy, and radical moral stance. He avoided triumphalism, acknowledged the North's complicity in slavery, and framed the war as a divine reckoning for the nation's sin. His willingness to see the world through the eyes of both North and South, and his evolving embrace of abolition as the war's ultimate cause, demonstrated a profound leadership that sought redemption and a 'sacred effort' to redefine America.

Lincoln stated, 'If we were situated as they are, we should act and feel as they do.' Douglas called the speech 'a sacred effort.' Lincoln repeatedly referred to 'American slavery,' not 'southern slavery.'

Barack Obama's 2008 'A More Perfect Union' speech fused the roles of activist and politician by unflinchingly diagnosing structural inequality and racism while simultaneously showing empathy for white resentment. He humanized the complexities of race by connecting his personal experiences with his white grandmother and his Black pastor, Reverend Wright, arguing that progress requires understanding and looking at the world through each other's eyes, rather than simply condemning opposing viewpoints.

Obama famously stated, 'I can no more disown Reverend Wright than I can disown my white grandmother,' and acknowledged that white working-class individuals 'don't feel particularly privileged by their race.'

Donald Trump's rhetoric, particularly in his second inaugural address, represents a significant departure from the constitutional framework and the historical 'rules of the game.' Unlike previous reactionaries who still operated within a legal or process-oriented veneer, Trump's assertion that 'I was saved by God to make America great again' and his 'I won and I'm taking custody of this country' mentality signifies a dictatorial quality that disregards the checks and balances and the spirit of compromise inherent in the American system.

Trump's line, 'I was saved by God to make America great again,' and his 'I won and I'm taking custody of this country' rhetoric.

A critical missing element in contemporary Democratic politics is a 'big vision' and deeply moral language that can inspire and unite. While policy and ideology are important, relying solely on 'consultant speak' or slogans like 'Medicare for All' lacks the emotional and ethical resonance seen in historical speeches from figures like King or Lincoln. Reconnecting with concepts of fairness, dignity, and caring for one's neighbor, rooted in both religious and secular traditions, is essential for building broad coalitions and countering divisive narratives.

The hosts note that 'we don't have that anymore' in political discourse, contrasting it with the 'deeply moral language' and 'religious imagery' used by figures like Lincoln, Douglas, and King, even by those who weren't deeply religious themselves.