Correspondent’s Dinner Assassination Attempt; The Myth Of Red Texas w/ David Griscom | MR Live
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Quick Read
Summary
Takeaways
- ❖Texas's 'Red State' identity is a modern construct, not an inherent historical truth, with significant past movements for labor rights and populism.
- ❖The 1880s cowboy strike in Tuscosa, Texas, was a successful labor action, contrary to narratives propagated by ranch owners and later historians.
- ❖The Farmers Alliance and their Cleburne Demands in post-Reconstruction Texas pushed for radical reforms like union recognition and economic justice, resembling modern progressive platforms.
- ❖The Democratic Party in Texas often co-opted populist demands, then suppressed the movements, leading to disenfranchisement tactics like the poll tax.
- ❖Contemporary Democratic strategies in Texas, relying on demographic shifts, have proven less effective than grassroots organizing, as seen in the contrast between Beto O'Rourke's and Colin Allred's campaigns.
- ❖Trump's reaction to the White House Correspondents' Dinner shooter's manifesto highlights his consistent denial of accusations and attacks on media figures.
Insights
1The Manufactured Myth of Red Texas
David Griskcom argues that the idea of Texas as an inherently conservative, Republican state is a modern myth. Historically, Texas hosted powerful populist and radical movements, and the Republican Party's success stemmed from attracting new migrants (Northern, Midwestern, Californian Republicans) and actively building a political machine, rather than reflecting an unchanging Texan identity.
Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick's focus on Alamo programming and Ted Cruz's 'Keep Texas, Texas' slogan illustrate the right's effort to maintain this myth. Griskcom cites the influx of northern and Midwestern Republicans in the 1980s and 90s as a key factor in the state's political shift.
2Successful Cowboy Strikes and Labor Solidarity
Contrary to popular conservative narratives of the 'lone individual' cowboy, Texas cowboys in the 1880s organized a successful strike against changing work conditions and wage reductions imposed by new capitalist landowners. This strike, led by higher-wage wagon bosses like Tom Harris, demonstrated early working-class solidarity and was officially recognized as successful by the U.S. federal government.
The strike occurred during peak cattle drives, giving cowboys leverage. Historical accounts from bosses often misrepresented the strike as a failure, but deeper research confirms its success and the subsequent long-term undermining by bosses.
3The Radicalism of the Farmers Alliance and Cleburne Demands
In post-Reconstruction Texas, the Farmers Alliance emerged to combat a rigged economic system that indebted farmers. Their Cleburne Demands included radical proposals like union recognition, protections against debt, and regulation of railroads, laying the groundwork for the Populist Party. These demands were a direct challenge to the ruling conservative Democrats aligned with major industries.
The Farmers Alliance initially formed economic cooperatives but, facing merchant class opposition, evolved into a political movement. The Cleburne Demands included union recognition, which was unusual for a farmer-led movement, showing a broader class consciousness.
4Populist Political Evolution and Suppression in Texas
The Populist Party in Texas became a significant political force, challenging the Democratic Party and even achieving two-party competition for a decade. While they forced concessions and reforms (like the Railroad Commission), the Democratic Party ultimately suppressed the movement through election rigging, poll taxes, and the mass disenfranchisement of Black voters, often using white supremacist mobs.
Governor Hog co-opted populist platforms, then waged war on the movement. The Populist Party nearly won in 1896, but widespread election rigging by Democrats prevented it. The institution of poll taxes and Black disenfranchisement followed this popular revolt.
5Ineffectiveness of 'Demographics as Destiny' in Texas Politics
The assumption that Texas would turn Democratic due to changing demographics (e.g., increased Hispanic population) has proven false. The Republican Party actively built a strong ground game and appealed to new voters, while the Democratic Party's reliance on demographic shifts and a 'sit back and let ads do the talking' strategy (like Colin Allred's campaign) failed to mobilize voters effectively.
Trump's success in Texas, particularly among South Texas Hispanics, disproved the 'demographics is destiny' theory. Beto O'Rourke's 'every county strategy,' despite not winning, generated more engagement than Allred's ad-heavy, less localized approach.
Bottom Line
The historical suppression of working-class movements in Texas, particularly through media narratives controlled by elites and subsequent disenfranchisement, mirrors contemporary challenges in information control and voter suppression.
This suggests that current political struggles over narrative and voting rights are not new but are continuations of long-standing class and racial conflicts, requiring a deeper historical understanding to counter effectively.
Progressive movements can learn from past populist successes and failures in Texas by focusing on robust grassroots organizing, direct engagement with working-class communities, and challenging dominant myths, rather than solely relying on demographic shifts or top-down media campaigns.
Lessons
- Challenge dominant historical narratives, especially those that portray regions as monolithically conservative, by researching and promoting hidden histories of radicalism and labor organizing.
- Prioritize grassroots organizing and direct community engagement over expensive media campaigns or assumptions about demographic shifts when building political power in challenging regions.
- Recognize and address the spiritual and emotional aspects of political engagement, as cruelty and cynicism can be countered by messages of solidarity and shared values, even from unexpected sources (e.g., 'good guy Christianity').
Notable Moments
Sam Seder and Emma Vigeland discuss the White House Correspondents' Dinner shooting and Trump's reaction to the shooter's manifesto, highlighting Trump's denial of accusations and attacks on the media.
This segment provides immediate political commentary on a significant event, showcasing how political figures like Trump deflect criticism and attack the press, reinforcing existing narratives about his character and media relations.
David Griskcom explains how the 'Myth of Red Texas' is maintained by figures like Dan Patrick and Ted Cruz, who leverage anxiety about Texas changing to promote a conservative identity.
This illustrates the deliberate political strategy of creating and reinforcing cultural myths to maintain power, rather than relying on material benefits for the populace.
Griskcom details the 1880s cowboy strike, where cowboys successfully organized for better wages and conditions, debunking the 'lone individual' cowboy myth.
This historical account provides concrete evidence of early labor solidarity in a region often associated with rugged individualism, challenging a foundational conservative myth.
The discussion on the Farmers Alliance and Cleburne Demands reveals a forgotten history of radical economic and social proposals in Texas, including union recognition and protections against debt.
This highlights the depth of progressive history in Texas and how mass movements can push for significant reforms, even in seemingly conservative environments.
Griskcom contrasts Beto O'Rourke's 'every county' grassroots strategy with Colin Allred's ad-heavy campaign, arguing that the former, despite losing, generated more excitement and participation.
This offers a practical lesson for contemporary political organizing, emphasizing the importance of direct engagement and making voters feel like active participants, rather than passive recipients of messaging.
Quotes
"The best of the White House correspondents dinner is when the uh correspondents are being indicted."
"There's something radically wrong when those who work most get least and those who work least get most."
"If you've ever engaged in the debate about whether or not people should run as independents or as members of the Democratic Party, like this is really, you know, the book for you."
"The Democratic Party fantasy in Texas is that like God, like literally, it's like God is going to give us like this victory through some accident instead of like doing the actual groundwork."
"Sometimes I think you got to be a little bit sappy. I mean, we live in a very spiritually, uh, you know, a country right now that feels like it's in a spiritual crisis."
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