Expongo políticos que tienen vínculos con delincuencia organizada | Miguel Meza #entrevista #México

The 2020 judicial reform led to the mass removal of 7,539 judges over three years. The subsequent process to replace them involved reviewing over 12,000 candidates in just one month by unqualified personnel, making it 'physically impossible' to vet them properly. This created a significant risk for 'allies of drug traffickers, sexual abusers, and pure and simple criminals' to infiltrate the judiciary.

Miguel Meza details the scale of the judicial reform and the rushed, inadequate vetting process for new judges. He cites the case of Francisco Herrera Franco, a prosecutor from Sitácuaro, Michoacán, accused of pacts with CJNG, extorting indigenous communities for La Familia Michoacana, and ordering the murder of two journalists.

Organized crime in Mexico has evolved beyond territorial disputes to focus on infiltrating government institutions. Cartels now place their loyalists in positions of power, including judgeships and magistracies, ensuring their interests are protected from within the state apparatus. This makes the fight against crime a battle against a 'narcoestado' where the lines between government and cartels are 'indissoluble'.

The host notes that 'narcotráfico en México ya dejó de pelear por territorio físicamente, ya lo que hacen ahorita es que tienen puestos dentro del gobierno.' Miguel Meza adds that 'el narco lo que hace para ampliar su poder pues es penetrar su control institucional.'

A judge, exposed by Miguel Meza, was previously an authorized lawyer for Joaquín 'El Chapo' Guzmán, visiting him in prison and appearing in a documentary titled 'Los narcoabogados del crimen organizado'. Despite this clear association, she was appointed as a judge without adequate vetting, raising severe conflict of interest and security concerns.

Meza states, 'de puño y letra Joaquín Guzmán Loera la autorizó como su abogada en varios amparos y también en su causa penal antes de ser extraditado a Estados Unidos.' He also mentions her appearance in a documentary where she 'dijo, 'A mí díganme narcoabogada, denme mis 5 minutos del fama.''

The federal mechanism for protecting journalists and human rights defenders in Mexico is often ineffective, denying protection even when credible threats exist. This forces individuals to rely on local protections or face risks alone. Furthermore, there's no institutionalized state policy to protect elected officials from criminal intimidation or assassination once they take office.

Miguel Meza recounts being denied federal protection despite 'veladas' threats after exposing the judge, with officials claiming he only had a 'percepción de riesgo'. He contrasts this with the more effective protection he received from Mexico City authorities. He also highlights the absence of a mechanism to protect candidates and elected officials from organized crime, leading to 'hundreds of elected officials who got there because their competition was killed or kidnapped.'

In Mexico's electoral landscape, it has become a 'common denominator' for political groups to receive funding from drug trafficking organizations. This financial support is often perceived as necessary to compete effectively in elections, leading to a cycle where politicians become compromised before even taking office.

The host states, 'si un grupo político no recibe dinero del narcotráfico para sus campañas electorales, es difícil competir realmente por cómo está estructurada las elecciones en este país.' Miguel Meza agrees, 'esas cosas están probadas.'