Quick Read

Constitutional law expert Akil Amar dismantles the historical and legal basis of challenges to birthright citizenship, framing current efforts as a direct assault on the Reconstruction Amendments and Lincoln's legacy.
The 14th Amendment's 'born in the U.S. and subject to jurisdiction' means citizenship by soil, not bloodline.
Lincoln's administration and the Republican Party explicitly supported birthright citizenship for all born on U.S. soil, including children of foreign travelers.
Arguments against birthright citizenship today rely on distorted historical interpretations and ignore the amendment's anti-Dred Scott origins.

Summary

This episode features constitutional scholar Akil Amar, who dissects the legal and historical arguments surrounding birthright citizenship, particularly in the context of challenges posed by Donald Trump's administration. Amar, drawing from his amicus brief submitted to the Supreme Court, asserts that the 14th Amendment's birthright citizenship clause is unequivocally tied to being 'born in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof,' meaning 'under the flag,' rather than bloodline or parental status. He highlights that the amendment was a partisan Republican platform in 1866, designed to repudiate the Dred Scott decision and establish universal citizenship, including for children of foreign travelers, a principle affirmed by Lincoln's Attorney General Edward Bates. Amar contends that contemporary arguments against birthright citizenship rely on a distorted, 'bogus' originalism and historical illiteracy, misrepresenting foundational legal documents and the intent of the Reconstruction era.
The ongoing debate over birthright citizenship, fueled by political figures like Donald Trump, directly challenges a core tenet of American constitutional law established by the 14th Amendment. Understanding the historical origins and legal intent of this amendment is critical to defending civil rights and the principle of equality. Misinterpretations of historical documents and legal precedents, such as those surrounding Edward Bates's memo, can undermine fundamental protections and reshape the definition of American citizenship, impacting millions and potentially altering the nation's democratic fabric.

Takeaways

  • The 14th Amendment's birthright citizenship is based on being born 'on the soil and under the flag' of the United States, not parental bloodline or allegiance.
  • Lincoln's administration, through Attorney General Edward Bates and Secretary of State William Seward, explicitly affirmed birthright citizenship for all born in the U.S., including children of foreign travelers, repudiating the Dred Scott decision.
  • The 14th Amendment was a core political platform of the Republican Party in 1866, designed to establish civil and political equality after the Civil War.
  • Modern arguments against birthright citizenship, often citing figures like Edward Bates, misrepresent historical context and primary sources, engaging in 'bad faith' and 'distorted originalism'.
  • The common law tradition, dating back to English law (Calvin's Case), supports the principle that children born within a nation's territory are subjects/citizens of that nation, regardless of parental status.

Insights

114th Amendment's Text Defines Citizenship by Birthplace, Not Bloodline

Akil Amar emphasizes that the 14th Amendment explicitly states, 'All persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens.' He clarifies that 'subject to the jurisdiction thereof' means 'under the flag,' a consistent interpretation by Lincoln's contemporaries like Hannibal Hamlin and Schuyler Colfax. The amendment's text notably omits any mention of parents, bloodline, allegiance, or domicile, directly refuting arguments that citizenship depends on parental status.

The text of the 14th Amendment; statements by Hannibal Hamlin and Schuyler Colfax.

2Lincoln's Administration Affirmed Birthright Citizenship for All

Lincoln's Attorney General, Edward Bates, issued a memo in 1862 stating that all people born in the United States, black or white, are citizens and can receive passports, even if their parents are foreign travelers. Secretary of State William Seward also confirmed this stance to foreign ambassadors. This administrative practice, occurring while Lincoln was alive, directly repudiated the bloodline-based citizenship arguments of the Dred Scott decision and established a clear precedent for birthright citizenship regardless of parental origin.

Edward Bates's 1862 memo; William Seward's letter to a foreign ambassador.

3The 14th Amendment as a Partisan Republican Platform

The 14th Amendment was a highly partisan measure, with virtually all Republicans voting for it and every Democrat voting against it. It served as the Republican Party's political platform in the 1866 elections, explaining the purpose of the Civil War to voters. This context demonstrates that the amendment's framers and supporters intended to establish broad birthright citizenship as a fundamental principle, evolving from Lincoln's vision of union and freedom to civil and political equality.

Voting records for the 14th Amendment; historical context of the 1866 Republican platform.

4Misrepresentation of Historical Sources in Anti-Birthright Arguments

Akil Amar, along with Sydney Blumenthal, exposes how modern arguments against birthright citizenship, particularly those by Randy Barnett and Illan Worman, selectively quote and distort Edward Bates's 1862 memo. They omit Bates's explicit statements that 'every person born in the country is at the moment of birth primmai a citizen' and that birthright citizenship applies to children of 'aliens or foreign-born.' This selective quoting creates a 'bogus' and 'distorted originalism' that contradicts the full historical record.

Randy Barnett and Illan Worman's arguments; full text of Edward Bates's 1862 memo; Steve Ladic's newsletter.

5Birthright Citizenship Rooted in English Common Law

The principle of birthright citizenship, or 'jus soli,' has deep roots in English common law, dating back to Calvin's Case under Sir Edward Coke. This legal tradition held that even children of foreign travelers born within the realm of England were subjects by birth. American republicanized this concept, with cases like Lynch v. Clark affirming that children of foreign sojourners were birthright citizens, a precedent cited by Edward Bates.

Calvin's Case (Sir Edward Coke); Lynch v. Clark; Edward Bates's memo.

Lessons

  • Consult primary historical documents, such as Edward Bates's 1862 memo and the legislative history of the 14th Amendment, to understand the original intent of birthright citizenship.
  • Recognize that challenges to birthright citizenship often rely on selective or distorted historical interpretations, rather than a comprehensive understanding of the Reconstruction era.
  • Advocate for educational initiatives that promote a deeper understanding of American constitutional history, particularly the Reconstruction Amendments and their role in defining citizenship and equality.

Quotes

"

"It says all persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside. Okay? So, it's about being born in the United States."

Akil Amar
"

"It doesn't say parent, mother, father, which parent if it's your parent. He's just making all that up. Doesn't say allegiance, doesn't say doicile. They're making up all sorts of things."

Akil Amar
"

"If everyone is now free, um not just we're not we're not just um emancipating slaves, we're ending slavery everywhere. always universally it can't come back. Okay. But now three fifths has suddenly become five fifths. And when the South wants to come back, they're going to actually have more clout in the House um and the electoral college and they're not letting blacks vote. Oh my goodness. So Lincoln's party has to have a 14th amendment that's going to address that in some ways and section two isn't part about that and ultimately a 15th amendment."

Akil Amar
"

"The biggest point is I'm not the same as my parents. And by the way, if I were, what happens if my mommy is one thing and my daddy is another? Okay, if it had been about your mommy and daddy, they would have had to specify which one."

Akil Amar

Q&A

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