Eddie Glaude Is Sounding the Alarm. Are We Listening? | Bulwark Podcast

The New York Times analysis of Trump's cabinet meetings revealed that one in six sentences either flattered him or criticized his predecessors, with officials frequently describing him as the sole person capable of "saving America." This reflects a "cult of personality" that deconstructs the administrative state and leads to policy debacles.

On average, one of every six sentences either flattered Mr. Trump or criticized Biden or Obama as compared to Trump. He's fre he's described frequently over the course of those meetings as the only person who can do various in his historic things including save America.

At every milestone anniversary (Centennial 1876, Sesquicentennial 1926, Bicentennial 1976, and approaching 2026), the U.S. is compelled to tell a story about itself and its founding, inevitably confronting the "vexing question of what do we do with race." These moments reveal the nation's divided soul, struggling between being a beacon of freedom and a white republic.

at every milestone anniversary, uh, whether it's the centennial or the 150th or the bsentennial or now the country has to tell a story about itself... it confronts the vexing question of what do we do with race?

The 1876 Centennial occurred as Reconstruction was collapsing, marked by widespread violence in the South and efforts to suppress black political power. To achieve reunion between the North and South after the Civil War, a "massive act of forgetting" took place, erasing the causes of the war and the ongoing racial violence. This reunion was made possible by a shared sense of white identity, overcoming regional differences. Frederick Douglas was denied a speaking role at the exposition.

1876 is the first time we're going to tell a story about the nation in the aftermath of a of of the war that almost destroyed the nation... they're going to engage in this massive act of forgetting... what makes reunion possible between the south and the north is that they see themselves as white.

The 1920s, often romanticized as the "jazz age," was fundamentally the "decade of the clan," which held immense political power. In 1924, the Klan-backed Immigration and Nationality Act was passed, establishing a restrictive immigration regime. The Klan even marched in Washington D.C. and sought to hold its convention at the Philadelphia exposition, symbolizing a celebration of the flag alongside cross-burning. This period also saw the founding of Negro History Week as a counter-narrative.

But it's really the decade of the clan... they helped pass the immigration act. Immigration and Nationality Act of 1924, which established the kind of immigration regime that many of the folk today want to return to... 1926 is this extraordinary period. But guess what happens also in 1926. It's also the moment in which Negro History Week is founded.

Calvin Coolidge's speech at the 1926 exposition emphasized that the nation's salvation was "secured at the founding" through enduring principles, advocating for remembering and restoring these rather than pursuing a "more perfect union." Glaude argues that MAGA gives this an "evangelical twist," rejecting multi-racial democracy and aligning the country's purpose with Donald Trump's aims, rather than focusing on progress or addressing minority rights.

Calvin Kulage is not interested in more perfect union talk. In other words, our salvation was secured at the founding because of these principles. MAGA gives that an evangelical twist... Only thing they want us to do is to understand that we are already saved.

While acknowledging the human need to forget some things, Glaude argues that during milestone anniversaries, what a nation chooses *not* to remember exposes the limits of its conception of justice. In moments of "all-out assault on black life" and multi-racial democracy, forgetfulness makes individuals "accomplices in the ongoing horror" perpetrated by those who believe the country must be white or cease to exist.

what we choose not to remember often exposes the limits of our conception of justice... What does it mean to forget in this moment, right? It seems to me that forgetfulness makes us accompllices, right, in the ongoing horror, right, of those who believe that the country must be white or the country shouldn't be at all.

Glaude critiques relying on symbolic gestures for progress, arguing for "substantive policy" that genuinely impacts working people and the working poor. He views policy proposals as often a way to "make ourselves feel good" rather than addressing fundamental choices about national identity.

I want substantive policy with regards to that... I don't want to offer a a policy because that's what we do in order to make ourselves feel good to make ourselves think that we're actually trying.

America must make a fundamental choice: either be a "beacon of freedom" (which can be debated and defined) or a "white republic." These two identities are contradictory, and trying to be both will perpetuate cycles of conflict and prevent true national progress.

Either we're going to be a beacon of freedom and we can debate that... Or you're going to be a white republic... we have to make a choice and then to act accordingly we can't be both and otherwise we'll find ourselves in this position over and over again.

The Day of Action in Mississippi, following the Clay decision, brought together a cross-generational and diverse group of about 5,000 people from 52 counties. The energy was focused on organizing and mobilizing, treating the challenge of gerrymandering as a "math problem" requiring increased voter registration and turnout to undermine assumptions. This demonstrated a commitment to power and policy addressing black Mississippi's circumstances, not just salvaging seats.

it was 82 counties in the state, 52 of them showed up... This is the numbers. So they were saying I remember hearing Derek Johnson basic president and CEO of NAACP he said this is a math problem right? So what do we need to do? How many do we need to get registered to vote and per each county in each county what should be our turnout numbers to just simply undermine the assumptions of their redrawing.

Glaude argues that Democratic messaging often disconnects with working-class and working-poor black communities, particularly younger black men. The party relies too heavily on celebrity endorsements or appeals to historical voting sacrifices, failing to offer substantive policies that directly impact their lives or to engage with the nuanced political views (including conservative streaks) within these communities.

the Democratic messaging... there has been a disconnect between u the symbolic gestures and the policies that could actually impact working people and working poor people... they think that they can just trot out a whole bunch of celebrities and that'll be enough to turn black folk out and it's just not true. Or you just say people died for the vote and that's enough to turn them out. That's just not true.