The Myth Of Red Texas | David Griscom | TMR

The idea that Texas is an inherently conservative or Republican state is a modern myth. Historically, Texas had strong populist and radical movements. The current 'red' identity is maintained by figures like Dan Patrick and Ted Cruz who promote an anxiety that Texas is changing, equating 'true Texan' with 'conservative Republican.' This narrative serves to obscure a past where movements fought against private property and corporate power.

Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick's focus on Alamo programming and Ted Cruz's 'Keep Texas Texas' slogan exemplify the political effort to maintain this myth. Griscom's book traces radical movements throughout Texas history, contradicting the idea of an inherently conservative place.

Contrary to the myth of the lone, individualistic cowboy, Texas cowboys in the 1880s successfully organized and went on strike for better wages. This strike was a significant victory for labor, forcing bosses to accept their demands due to the critical timing of cattle drives. The story was later distorted by powerful ranchers and distant media to portray it as a failure, reinforcing the idea that Texans wouldn't unionize.

In Tuscosa, Texas, wagon bosses led a proto-union that went on strike during peak cattle drives. The U.S. federal government listed it as a successful strike, but accounts from bosses and distant newspapers framed it as a failure, depicting cowboys as irresponsible.

The Farmers Alliance in Texas emerged from farmers facing crippling debt and a rigged economic system dominated by railroads and merchants. Their initial economic cooperatives evolved into a powerful political movement, culminating in the Cleburne Demands. These demands, which included union recognition, debt protection, and public services, were remarkably progressive and foreshadowed later socialist and populist platforms, demonstrating a deep-seated working-class consciousness in Texas.

Farmers, facing debt and exploitation, formed the Farmers Alliance. Esso Dah questioned why 'those who work most get least.' The Cleburne Demands (1886) included union recognition and other progressive policies, later influencing the Populist and Socialist parties.

The People's Party (Populists) became the second major political party in Texas for a decade, forcing concessions from the Democratic Party and electing representatives. Despite nearly winning the governorship in 1896, their success was ultimately undermined by election rigging, violence, and the mass disenfranchisement of Black voters by the Democratic establishment, highlighting the extreme measures taken to crush radical movements.

The People's Party became a major force, forcing reforms like the Railroad Commission. In 1896, they almost won but faced ballot stuffing and threats. Post-revolt, poll taxes and Black disenfranchisement were instituted. The Grimes County gunfight exemplifies the violent suppression.

Modern Democratic campaigns in Texas often fall short by relying on flawed assumptions like 'demographics is destiny' or 'Texas is a non-voting state.' This leads to ad-heavy, centrist campaigns that fail to energize voters. In contrast, candidates like Beto O'Rourke, who built a grassroots apparatus and visited every county, or Talerico, who inspires excitement, show a more effective path by directly engaging and mobilizing working-class people, rather than expecting victory through demographic shifts or consultant-driven strategies.

Trump's success in South Texas among Hispanics disproved 'demographics is destiny.' Colin Allred's ad-heavy, right-tacking campaign failed to improve significantly. Beto O'Rourke's 'every county' strategy, while not always winning, energized supporters. Talerico's campaign shows similar grassroots excitement.