Trump FLIPS OUT As Approval Rating Hits NEW LOW

The guest, David Pacman, characterizes Trump's foreign policy in Iran as an 'arsonist' approach: creating a crisis by exiting the 2015 nuclear deal, then claiming victory for partially resolving the self-made problem. The likely outcome is a deal that is a 'slightly lesser version' of the agreement Trump originally abandoned, costing billions and setting back the possibility of a more moderate Iranian regime. This pattern, seen also with NAFTA and climate agreements, severely damages the US's credibility as a reliable negotiating partner on the global stage, making future international cooperation more difficult.

Pacman states, 'The theme is like arsonists setting fires and then declaring victory when they partially put the fires out after they've already done a bunch of damage.' He notes the administration was 'struggling to get even back to the full strength of that deal' and that the US is seen as an 'increasingly not credible negotiating partner or signatory to deals of all kinds.'

Trump's attempts to pivot to an 'affordability tour' and promote policies like 'no tax on tips' are failing because he cannot admit economic fault or empathize with struggling Americans. His 'no tax on tips' policy is a deduction that offers minimal benefit to most tipped workers, and his denial of high gas prices or inflation alienates voters. He relies on macroeconomic indicators like the stock market, which do not reflect the personal economic struggles of the median American, leading to a perception of being out of touch.

Pacman explains the 'no tax on tips' is a deduction benefiting 'at the most a couple hundred bucks a year' for the average worker. The host notes Trump 'can't do the Bill Clinton feel your pain thing' and 'denied that gas prices were high and then attacked ABC News for saying that gas prices were high.'

Key right-wing media figures, including Tucker Carlson, Megan Kelly, and Alex Jones, are now openly criticizing Trump, a significant departure from his previous media immunity. This shift is partly driven by changing economic incentives within right-wing media, where being pro-Trump is no longer the sole path to survival. The criticism also highlights an internal debate about what 'MAGA' truly means, suggesting it has evolved from an ideology to simply being synonymous with 'Trump fan,' implying that loyalty, not policy, defines the movement.

Trump 'called out Tucker Carlson, Mecca Kelly, Candace Owens, and Alex Jones by name. He called them the opposite of MAGA.' The host states, 'what has really driven the growth in right-wing media from 2016 until now has been just a simple fact that you either proTrump or you died.' Pacman notes, 'there's no accounting for the role that they played in getting Trump elected.'

The Democratic Party and its donor base are significantly behind in adapting to the digital media environment. Donors remain attached to traditional institutions and metrics (like TV ads) and are hesitant to invest in independent content creators or long-term strategies for building a sustainable progressive media ecosystem. This short-term, ROI-focused approach, coupled with a lack of understanding of new platforms like YouTube and TikTok, hinders their ability to effectively communicate with and mobilize younger, digitally native audiences.

Pacman mentions spending 'much of the last 10 years going to meetings with donors to try to convince them that to take take some of that money they were spending on TV ads... and put it into any form of content creation.' The host adds that donors 'don't consume YouTube, Tik Tok. It's just it's like it is a foreign world to them.'

The inherent structure of digital platform algorithms, regardless of ownership, tends to favor content that is divisive, simple, and offers clear scapegoats. This 'algorithmic bias' disproportionately benefits right-wing messaging, which is often crafted to fit these criteria (e.g., 'tax relief' vs. complex societal needs). This structural advantage contributes to polarization and the spread of disinformation, making it easier for right-wing narratives to go viral and shape public perception.

Pacman states, 'the rights sort of argumentation is built for what performs best in these algorithms in the sense of divisive content performs better. Simple ideas with a clear scapegoat or someone to blame perform better.' The host recalls, 'the right had sort of figured out how to... generate so much outrage which would generate so many comments which would generate so much engagement.'