BOMBSHELL update with Trump’s top election denier

The host argues that Colorado Governor Jared Polis's decision to grant clemency to election denier Tina Peters, and his perceived avoidance of independent media, exemplifies a broader Democratic 'impotence and fecklessness.' This action, he claims, provides Donald Trump with a 'blueprint' that if he 'attacks somebody enough, if he threatens to sick his supporters on somebody enough, if he uses the government as a cudgel against his enemies enough, they will ultimately relent and just bend to his will.'

The host states, 'because of Polis's decision to grant clemency to Tina Peters, Trump has a blueprint. He knows that if he just attacks somebody enough... they will ultimately relent and just bend to his will.' (00:01:11)

The host criticizes Democratic leaders like Governor Polis for adhering to independent redistricting commissions in states where Democrats hold power, while Republicans actively gerrymander in their controlled states. He frames this as 'unilaterally disarming' and allowing Republicans to 'rig the rules of the game in their favor,' ultimately relegating Democrats to 'permanent minority status.' He advocates for Democrats to 'fight back' by redrawing maps in blue states.

The host asks Polis, 'will there come a point where we're watching these Republicans rig the rules of the game in their favor, that... you would move... to step away from these independent redistricting commissions, so that we're not unilaterally disarming in the states where we have the power to do something?' (00:04:40) He later states, 'if we lean on good government solutions, we are going to good government ourselves into obscurity.' (01:03:33)

Both Matt Mahan and Xavier Becerra identify housing as a core issue in California. Mahan proposes making building 'easier, faster, and less expensive' by cutting permitting timelines and one-time fees, citing San Jose's success. Becerra plans to declare a state of emergency on housing in his first 100 days, unsticking 40,000 shovel-ready affordable units with financing, and implementing 'administrative time limits' or 'shot clocks' for permitting agencies.

Mahan states, 'what we have to do is make it easier, faster, and less expensive to build.' (00:20:36) Becerra says, 'I will declare a state of emergency in our housing crisis, and I will do everything I can to find the money to unstick those so people can see that they're we're actually building.' (00:43:53)

Mahan, drawing on his experience as Mayor of San Jose, advocates treating homelessness as a crisis, investing in prevention, building 'interim housing' (motels, tiny homes), and holding people accountable to come indoors when safe, low-barrier alternatives are available. Becerra emphasizes 'accountability' and 'outcomes,' proposing to shut down ineffective programs and scale up successful ones, while also prioritizing prevention to keep people from becoming homeless in the first place.

Mahan states, 'We have held people accountable for coming indoors when private interim housing that meets people where they are... is available.' (00:26:27) Becerra says, 'If a program that a city employs is not producing results, getting people off the streets, then shut it down.' (00:47:10)

Both Mahan and Becerra propose aggressive measures to bring film and TV production back to California. Mahan advocates for a 'dead simple, very aggressive' 40% uncapped tax credit covering full production costs. Becerra, who initiated the federal production tax credit in the early 2000s, supports a 'fight fire with fire' approach to tax incentives, with an uncapped credit as his 'default' position, contingent on data showing benefits ripple throughout the economy.

Mahan proposes, 'It's a 40% tax credit. It's above and below the line... and it's uncapped.' (00:31:15) Becerra states, 'You somebody pulls out a knife and says we're going to give you a tax credit... then we pull out a knife, too.' (00:51:49)

Justice Anita Earls highlights how the partisan shift in the North Carolina Supreme Court directly impacted the state's congressional delegation and the balance of power in the U.S. House. A 2022 court (Democratic majority) ruled extreme partisan gerrymandering unconstitutional, leading to a 7-7 congressional split. After the court flipped to a Republican majority in 2023, it reversed this decision, resulting in a 10-4 Republican delegation in 2024. Earls also details ongoing Republican efforts to suppress votes and the court's abdication of responsibility in areas like education funding and voter rights.

Earls explains, 'the court became five Republicans two Democrats. And the new court... concluded that they don't have the power to constrain the legislature. So the state legislature redrew our congressional districts, and in 2024, North Carolina sends 10 Republicans and four Democrats to Congress.' (01:00:38)