Quick Read

A Cornell professor reveals how the widening political chasm between rural and urban America, driven by economic shifts and organizational failures, empowers minority rule and imperils US democracy.
Rural areas, though 15-20% of the population, wield outsized political power due to US institutional design.
This divide, which began in the early 1990s, is fueled by economic decline, perceived 'elite overreach,' and new conservative organizing structures.
Despite similar policy concerns, deep partisan animosity prevents collaboration, leading to minority governance.

Summary

Cornell Professor Suzanne Mettler discusses her book, "Rural versus Urban: The Growing Divide That Threatens Democracy," co-authored with Trevor Brown. She explains how institutional features like the Senate and Electoral College grant disproportionate power to less populated areas, which has become problematic as rural counties increasingly consolidate their votes with the Republican Party. This shift, beginning in the early 1990s, is attributed to economic changes (deindustrialization, agricultural consolidation), a sense of 'elite overreach' and resentment among rural populations towards Democrats, and organizational shifts where evangelical churches and gun rights groups fill the void left by declining labor unions in connecting voters to the Republican Party. Mettler highlights that while policy views between rural and urban Americans are largely similar, a strong 'us vs. them' political animosity has developed, enabling minority governance and posing a significant threat to democratic principles. She argues that the Democratic Party's disengagement from rural organizing, despite past successes like Howard Dean's 50-state strategy, exacerbates the problem.
The growing political divide between rural and urban areas, where a minority of the population (rural, Republican-leaning) holds disproportionate power through institutional structures, directly undermines democratic governance. This dynamic impacts policy-making, judicial appointments, and fosters an 'us vs. them' polarization that prevents addressing shared material concerns. Understanding its origins and mechanisms is essential for anyone seeking to restore democratic balance and effective governance in the United States.

Takeaways

  • The US political system's institutional design (Senate, Electoral College) grants disproportionate power to less populated, predominantly rural areas.
  • A significant political divide between rural and urban areas emerged in the early 1990s, with rural areas increasingly voting Republican.
  • This divide is driven by economic changes, a sense of resentment towards urban 'elites,' and the rise of conservative organizational networks (churches, NRA affiliates) in rural communities.
  • Despite the political polarization, rural and urban Americans hold surprisingly similar views on most policy issues, indicating the divide is more about party animosity than substantive disagreement.
  • The Democratic Party's historical disengagement from grassroots organizing in rural areas has exacerbated the problem, contrasting sharply with past successful strategies like Howard Dean's 50-state plan.

Insights

1Institutional Design Empowers Minority Rule

The US political system, with features like the Senate (two senators per state regardless of population) and the Electoral College, inherently gives less populated places disproportionate power. This structure becomes anti-democratic when the party favored by these less populated areas consistently wins national power with a minority of the popular vote, as seen with Republican control of the Senate and judicial appointments.

California's population is 70 times Wyoming's, yet both get two senators. Republicans often win the Senate with states representing less than a majority of the US population. Donald Trump, who lost the popular vote, appointed Supreme Court justices confirmed by a Senate elected by a minority of Americans.

2The Rural-Urban Political Divide is a Recent Phenomenon

Contrary to common belief, the significant political divergence between rural and urban areas is not historical. Rural and urban counties voted similarly in presidential elections until the early 1990s. Since then, a dramatic gap has emerged, with rural areas increasingly supporting Republicans and urban areas (including suburbs and smaller cities) consolidating behind Democrats.

In 1992, there was only a 2-percentage-point gap between rural and urban counties in their vote for Bill Clinton. By 2024, this gap grew to 20 percentage points, evident across all US regions, especially the Midwest.

3Three Drivers of the Divide: Economic Change, Elite Overreach, Organizational Shifts

The growing political chasm is rooted in a combination of factors. First, economic decline in rural areas due to agricultural consolidation, deindustrialization, and changes in extractive industries. Second, a perception among rural residents of 'elite overreach' by Democrats, who are seen as affluent, disconnected, and imposing policies without consultation. Third, the decline of traditional Democratic-leaning organizations like labor unions in rural areas, replaced by Republican-aligned networks such as evangelical churches and NRA affiliates that connect voters to the GOP.

Counties losing jobs or population shifted Republican. Rural resentment stems from feeling ignored by Democrats on policies like renewable energy siting. The decline of union jobs and the rise of evangelical churches and gun clubs in rural areas provide new organizational links to the Republican Party.

4Race as a Consequence, Not Primary Driver, of the Divide

While racism plays a role, the initial and primary driver of the rural-urban political divide among white voters was not racism itself. Instead, it was the rise of place-based economic inequality. Racism became more salient and concentrated in rural areas later, as a response to perceived neglect by the Democratic Party, which rural whites felt prioritized urban people of color over their own struggles.

The rural-urban political divide is not observed among people of color. In the late 1990s, racism was equally prevalent among non-Hispanic whites in urban and rural areas. It became slightly more concentrated in rural areas from 2008-2020, following the initial economic shifts, and is seen as a way rural people express feeling ignored by Democrats.

5Policy Views are Similar, Party Dislike is High

Despite the deep political polarization, rural and urban Americans hold very few significant differences in their views on most policy issues, including government spending and tax levels. Even on 'culture war' issues like abortion and gun rights, the gap is not as large as the voting divide and has not grown over time. The division is primarily driven by animosity towards the opposing political party rather than fundamental policy disagreements.

On most policy issues, there are no significant differences between rural and urban Americans. The gap on 'culture war' issues is smaller than the voting gap and has remained consistent. 'People dislike each other's political party. And there's an us versus them politics that has developed as a result of it.'

Key Concepts

Submerged State

A concept where government benefits are delivered through indirect means (e.g., tax breaks, guaranteed loans) making their governmental origin invisible to recipients, leading to a lack of appreciation for government programs and a perception of self-reliance.

Minority Rule

A political scenario where a smaller segment of the population, often geographically concentrated, can exert control over national policy and appointments due to structural features of the political system, such as disproportionate representation in legislative bodies or electoral colleges.

Place-Based Inequality

Disparities in economic opportunity, social services, and quality of life that are tied to specific geographic locations, often distinguishing between declining rural areas and thriving urban centers, and contributing to political resentment and polarization.

Lessons

  • Democrats must re-engage in year-round, full-time organizing in rural areas, ideally with local organizers, to listen to residents' needs and rebuild trust.
  • Political parties should focus on addressing the material needs of rural communities, such as healthcare access, school improvements, and economic development, rather than relying on grievance politics or symbolic issues.
  • Policymakers should design initiatives (e.g., renewable energy projects) that involve local rural communities from the outset, ensuring their voice and benefits are considered to prevent resentment and 'elite overreach' perceptions.

Rebuilding Democratic Engagement in Rural America (The Howard Dean Model)

1

Implement a '50-state strategy' to organize everywhere, with particular dedication to rural counties.

2

Deploy year-round, full-time organizers, preferably from within rural regions, to build sustained relationships.

3

Prioritize listening to local residents to understand their specific grievances and material needs, rather than imposing top-down policies.

4

Work to rebuild trust over time by demonstrating responsiveness to local concerns, fostering a sense that the Democratic Party 'backs the average person.'

5

Facilitate concerted action among counties across a state to amplify local voices and coordinate efforts.

Quotes

"

"What's unique today is that all of those special levers that give extra clout to less populated places are consolidated in one party, and that has not happened before in our history. And that gives that party, the Republican Party, extra leverage to to really run the show even if a minority of Americans are supporting it."

Suzanne Mettler
"

"In other words, we are not divided by our policy views. This is not a place-based liberal versus conservative difference. Rather, people dislike each other's political party. And there's an us versus them politics that has developed as a result of it."

Suzanne Mettler
"

"The Republican Party is not delivering for rural areas. That it's not improving access to healthcare, we know that. Um that uh you know, it's not improving situations in the schools in rural places. Um and uh or improving the economy. So, I think, you know, what's what it's driven by now is a grievance politics. And I think that can only take you so far."

Suzanne Mettler

Q&A

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